from my eyes, see my sight & mind....................................... Mind the gap between man and ape, as well the distance between ............ ............................................................... the God;s that walk among us. Now being seen for the first time, overhead and bedside your beds.
Monday, 7 October 2013
Monday, 2 September 2013
Blue Devil....
one comment........
the night is warm and look foward to a stroll, into the city this evening
thank you
the night is warm and look foward to a stroll, into the city this evening
thank you
Wednesday, 28 August 2013
Surveillance in Canada, we have up to 140 000 sercurity guards in country.
I am watching "The Nazi King" produced by the Passionate Eye. It talks about in the United States of the Americas, "The Freedom of Information Act" with the files of the FBI being released to the public. Does Canada have such an act and dos it apply to private companies like Security Companies. If not this is why we can not have private companies, "not traded on the TSX used to surveillance the public.
http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/story/2013/01/15/policing-private-security-industry.html
Surge in private security raises concerns over rights
CBC News
Posted: Jan 16, 2013 5:02 AM ET
Last Updated: Jan 15, 2013 10:36 PM ET
There are now more than 140,000 private security guards licensed in Canada and only about 70,000 active police officers, raising concerns over blurring the line between private and public police forces. (Alistair Forrester Shankie/iStock )
Freedom of information in Canada - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedom_of_information_in_CanadaOn September 2008, a 393 page report sponsored by several Canadian newspaper groups, compared Canada's Access to Information Act to the FOI laws of the ...
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms - Wikipedia, the free ...
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canadian_Charter_of_Rights_and_FreedomsThe Charter was signed into law by Queen Elizabeth II of Canada on April 17, 1982 ..... (For more information, see the articles on each Charter section). .... are equal and where they share some fundamental values based upon freedom," and ...
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3
3. Collection of Personal Information Using a
Video Surveillance System
Any recorded data or visual, audio or other images of an identifiable individual qualifies as
“personal information” under the
Acts
.
3
Since video surveillance systems can be operated to collect personal information about
identifiable individuals, organizations must determine if they have the authority to collect
this personal information in accordance with the
Acts
.
Pursuant to section 38(2) of the provincial
Act
and section 28(2) of the municipal
Act
, no
person shall collect personal information on behalf of an organization unless the collection
is expressly authorized by statute, used for the purposes of law enforcement or necessary to
the proper administration of a lawfully authorized activity. For example, the collection of
personal information that is merely helpful and not necessary to the proper administration
of a lawfully authorized activity would not meet the requirements of sections 28(2) and
38(2).
4
Organizations must be able to demonstrate that any proposed or existing collection of personal
information by a video surveillance system is authorized under this provision of the
Acts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
My words:
In Toronto there are a group of people (mainly woman) stating they have the right to spy on their neighbors and other groups of people in the city they deem as offensive or a threat. They do this to protect the children of the city or neighborhoods.
"We have spent alot of time to get jobs and positions that allow us to use sercurity infastracture to follow and track the movements of people in the city. We create and compil lists especail those people that go to medicakl clinics and doctors officeswer need to know the health and movments of peop[le in the city. The police dop not know anything we know what really go\es on in this city we use and have cameras placed to track these movments'
These woman work in security companies and are profiling people, THEY DO NOT WORK WITH POLICE.
Security companies do not work with the police, plr\esase remember a public polixce camera has to state it is a police camera on it and that it is CCTV cam,era. that means "NON-Wirlesss" connection.
Unlike security companies that use wireless the most insecure way of transmitting information and video.
I have receive3d numerous death threats in the last few years, because of my open stance on tighter and more transparent look at security companies (collection live or recorded video, length of time recordings are kept and access to these live cameras and recordings of video. What type of cameras they use and access to these cameras, wireless or CCTV though VPN connections to them.
Monday, 26 August 2013
Saturday, 24 August 2013
The Golden Ratio
Design of Life
May 31, 2012
Life and the Golden Ratio
“All life is biology. All biology is physiology. All physiology is chemistry. All chemistry is physics. All physics is math.”
Dr. Stephen Marquardt
The design of life is based on a “Golden Ruler™”
It has long been known that the Golden Section, or Divine Proportion, appears in certain proportions of living organisms. In 1997, I began to wonder how universal this was and how far it could be applied. I took a golden section of a line not just once, but many times, to form what I like to call the “golden ruler,” shown as follows:
First, take a line and divide it so that the proportion of (B) to (A) is the same as the proportion of (C) to (B):
Divide the line again and again in the same way:
Combine the segments to create a measuring stick or “Golden Ruler™:”
In the dimensions of the human body:

In the dimensions of the human face:

In the dimensions of spirals in sea shells:

In the dimensions of the body sections of insects:

In the dimensions of fins and other key body features in sea life:

In the dimensions of the human face:
In the dimensions of spirals in sea shells:
In the dimensions of the body sections of insects:
In the dimensions of fins and other key body features in sea life:
The Golden Ruler™ can be expanded to a Golden Grid™
You can take the process another step further by creating a “Golden Grid,” taking it from one dimension to two dimensions:
This approach can be used to
explain the physical proportions of many life forms, but the most
beautiful application is found in humans:
It appears that this “golden ruler” is a common, if not universal, metric in the design of living organisms.
Friday, 23 August 2013
Federal MP Leader for Canadian Liberal Party
Justin Trudeau smoked pot since becoming MP
Liberal leader says his late brother's possession charge helped change his thinking
------------------------------------
my view point.
When
is everyone going to start to think in a clear, rational, realistic way
regarding not only Marijuana but other narcotics included; legalization
is not the road to travel down to resolution . The road we need to
travel gets us to a place called decriminalization two very different
places, with two very different outlooks and outcomes, one not workable, one
controllable.
-------------------------------------------------------
Decriminalizing Drugs in Portugal a Success, Says Report - TIME
www.time.com/time/health/article/0,8599,1893946,00.html
Drugs in Portugal: Did Decriminalization Work?
Pop quiz: Which European country has the most liberal drug laws? (Hint: It's not the Netherlands.)
Although its capital is notorious among stoners and college kids for
marijuana haze–filled "coffee shops," Holland has never actually
legalized cannabis — the Dutch simply don't enforce their laws against
the shops. The correct answer is Portugal, which in 2001 became the
first European country to officially abolish all criminal penalties for
personal possession of drugs, including marijuana, cocaine, heroin and
methamphetamine.
At the recommendation of a national commission charged with
addressing Portugal's drug problem, jail time was replaced with the
offer of therapy. The argument was that the fear of prison drives
addicts underground and that incarceration is more expensive than
treatment — so why not give drug addicts health services instead? Under
Portugal's new regime, people found guilty of possessing small amounts
of drugs are sent to a panel consisting of a psychologist, social worker
and legal adviser for appropriate treatment (which may be refused
without criminal punishment), instead of jail.
The question is, does the new policy work? At the time, critics in
the poor, socially conservative and largely Catholic nation said
decriminalizing drug possession would open the country to "drug
tourists" and exacerbate Portugal's drug problem; the country had some
of the highest levels of hard-drug use in Europe. But the recently
released results of a report commissioned by the Cato Institute, a
libertarian think tank, suggest otherwise.
The paper, published by Cato in April, found that in the five years
after personal possession was decriminalized, illegal drug use among
teens in Portugal declined and rates of new HIV infections caused by
sharing of dirty needles dropped, while the number of people seeking
treatment for drug addiction more than doubled.
"Judging by every metric, decriminalization in Portugal has been a
resounding success," says Glenn Greenwald, an attorney, author and
fluent Portuguese speaker, who conducted the research. "It has enabled
the Portuguese government to manage and control the drug problem far
better than virtually every other Western country does."
Compared to the European Union and the U.S., Portugal's drug use
numbers are impressive. Following decriminalization, Portugal had the
lowest rate of lifetime marijuana use in people over 15 in the E.U.:
10%. The most comparable figure in America is in people over 12: 39.8%.
Proportionally, more Americans have used cocaine than Portuguese have
used marijuana.
The Cato paper reports that between 2001 and 2006 in Portugal, rates
of lifetime use of any illegal drug among seventh through ninth graders
fell from 14.1% to 10.6%; drug use in older teens also declined.
Lifetime heroin use among 16-to-18-year-olds fell from 2.5% to 1.8%
(although there was a slight increase in marijuana use in that age
group). New HIV infections in drug users fell by 17% between 1999 and
2003, and deaths related to heroin and similar drugs were cut by more
than half. In addition, the number of people on methadone and
buprenorphine treatment for drug addiction rose to 14,877 from 6,040,
after decriminalization, and money saved on enforcement allowed for
increased funding of drug-free treatment as well.
Portugal's case study is of some interest to lawmakers in the U.S.,
confronted now with the violent overflow of escalating drug gang wars in
Mexico. The U.S. has long championed a hard-line drug policy,
supporting only international agreements that enforce drug prohibition
and imposing on its citizens some of the world's harshest penalties for
drug possession and sales. Yet America has the highest rates of cocaine
and marijuana use in the world, and while most of the E.U. (including
Holland) has more liberal drug laws than the U.S., it also has less drug
use.
"I think we can learn that we should stop being reflexively opposed
when someone else does [decriminalize] and should take seriously the
possibility that anti-user enforcement isn't having much influence on
our drug consumption," says Mark Kleiman, author of the forthcoming When Brute Force Fails: How to Have Less Crime and Less Punishment
and director of the drug policy analysis program at UCLA. Kleiman does
not consider Portugal a realistic model for the U.S., however, because
of differences in size and culture between the two countries.
But there is a movement afoot in the U.S., in the legislatures of New
York State, California and Massachusetts, to reconsider our overly
punitive drug laws. Recently, Senators Jim Webb and Arlen Specter
proposed that Congress create a national commission, not unlike
Portugal's, to deal with prison reform and overhaul drug-sentencing
policy. As Webb noted, the U.S. is home to 5% of the global population
but 25% of its prisoners.
At the Cato Institute in early April, Greenwald contended that a
major problem with most American drug policy debate is that it's based
on "speculation and fear mongering," rather than empirical evidence on
the effects of more lenient drug policies. In Portugal, the effect was
to neutralize what had become the country's number one public health
problem, he says.
"The impact in the life of families and our society is much lower
than it was before decriminalization," says Joao Castel-Branco Goulao,
Portugual's "drug czar" and president of the Institute on Drugs and Drug
Addiction, adding that police are now able to re-focus on tracking much
higher level dealers and larger quantities of drugs.
Peter Reuter, a professor of criminology and public policy at the
University of Maryland, like Kleiman, is skeptical. He conceded in a
presentation at the Cato Institute that "it's fair to say that
decriminalization in Portugal has met its central goal. Drug use did not
rise." However, he notes that Portugal is a small country and that the
cyclical nature of drug epidemics — which tends to occur no matter what
policies are in place — may account for the declines in heroin use and
deaths.
The Cato report's author, Greenwald, hews to the first point: that
the data shows that decriminalization does not result in increased drug
use. Since that is what concerns the public and policymakers most about
decriminalization, he says, "that is the central concession that will
transform the debate."
-------------------------------------------------------
Decriminalizing Drugs in Portugal a Success, Says Report - TIME
www.time.com/time/health/article/0,8599,1893946,00.htmlDrugs in Portugal: Did Decriminalization Work?
Pop quiz: Which European country has the most liberal drug laws? (Hint: It's not the Netherlands.)
Although its capital is notorious among stoners and college kids for marijuana haze–filled "coffee shops," Holland has never actually legalized cannabis — the Dutch simply don't enforce their laws against the shops. The correct answer is Portugal, which in 2001 became the first European country to officially abolish all criminal penalties for personal possession of drugs, including marijuana, cocaine, heroin and methamphetamine.
At the recommendation of a national commission charged with addressing Portugal's drug problem, jail time was replaced with the offer of therapy. The argument was that the fear of prison drives addicts underground and that incarceration is more expensive than treatment — so why not give drug addicts health services instead? Under Portugal's new regime, people found guilty of possessing small amounts of drugs are sent to a panel consisting of a psychologist, social worker and legal adviser for appropriate treatment (which may be refused without criminal punishment), instead of jail.
The question is, does the new policy work? At the time, critics in the poor, socially conservative and largely Catholic nation said decriminalizing drug possession would open the country to "drug tourists" and exacerbate Portugal's drug problem; the country had some of the highest levels of hard-drug use in Europe. But the recently released results of a report commissioned by the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, suggest otherwise.
The paper, published by Cato in April, found that in the five years after personal possession was decriminalized, illegal drug use among teens in Portugal declined and rates of new HIV infections caused by sharing of dirty needles dropped, while the number of people seeking treatment for drug addiction more than doubled.
"Judging by every metric, decriminalization in Portugal has been a resounding success," says Glenn Greenwald, an attorney, author and fluent Portuguese speaker, who conducted the research. "It has enabled the Portuguese government to manage and control the drug problem far better than virtually every other Western country does."
Compared to the European Union and the U.S., Portugal's drug use numbers are impressive. Following decriminalization, Portugal had the lowest rate of lifetime marijuana use in people over 15 in the E.U.: 10%. The most comparable figure in America is in people over 12: 39.8%. Proportionally, more Americans have used cocaine than Portuguese have used marijuana.
The Cato paper reports that between 2001 and 2006 in Portugal, rates of lifetime use of any illegal drug among seventh through ninth graders fell from 14.1% to 10.6%; drug use in older teens also declined. Lifetime heroin use among 16-to-18-year-olds fell from 2.5% to 1.8% (although there was a slight increase in marijuana use in that age group). New HIV infections in drug users fell by 17% between 1999 and 2003, and deaths related to heroin and similar drugs were cut by more than half. In addition, the number of people on methadone and buprenorphine treatment for drug addiction rose to 14,877 from 6,040, after decriminalization, and money saved on enforcement allowed for increased funding of drug-free treatment as well.
Portugal's case study is of some interest to lawmakers in the U.S., confronted now with the violent overflow of escalating drug gang wars in Mexico. The U.S. has long championed a hard-line drug policy, supporting only international agreements that enforce drug prohibition and imposing on its citizens some of the world's harshest penalties for drug possession and sales. Yet America has the highest rates of cocaine and marijuana use in the world, and while most of the E.U. (including Holland) has more liberal drug laws than the U.S., it also has less drug use.
"I think we can learn that we should stop being reflexively opposed when someone else does [decriminalize] and should take seriously the possibility that anti-user enforcement isn't having much influence on our drug consumption," says Mark Kleiman, author of the forthcoming When Brute Force Fails: How to Have Less Crime and Less Punishment and director of the drug policy analysis program at UCLA. Kleiman does not consider Portugal a realistic model for the U.S., however, because of differences in size and culture between the two countries.
But there is a movement afoot in the U.S., in the legislatures of New York State, California and Massachusetts, to reconsider our overly punitive drug laws. Recently, Senators Jim Webb and Arlen Specter proposed that Congress create a national commission, not unlike Portugal's, to deal with prison reform and overhaul drug-sentencing policy. As Webb noted, the U.S. is home to 5% of the global population but 25% of its prisoners.
At the Cato Institute in early April, Greenwald contended that a major problem with most American drug policy debate is that it's based on "speculation and fear mongering," rather than empirical evidence on the effects of more lenient drug policies. In Portugal, the effect was to neutralize what had become the country's number one public health problem, he says.
"The impact in the life of families and our society is much lower than it was before decriminalization," says Joao Castel-Branco Goulao, Portugual's "drug czar" and president of the Institute on Drugs and Drug Addiction, adding that police are now able to re-focus on tracking much higher level dealers and larger quantities of drugs.
Peter Reuter, a professor of criminology and public policy at the University of Maryland, like Kleiman, is skeptical. He conceded in a presentation at the Cato Institute that "it's fair to say that decriminalization in Portugal has met its central goal. Drug use did not rise." However, he notes that Portugal is a small country and that the cyclical nature of drug epidemics — which tends to occur no matter what policies are in place — may account for the declines in heroin use and deaths.
The Cato report's author, Greenwald, hews to the first point: that the data shows that decriminalization does not result in increased drug use. Since that is what concerns the public and policymakers most about decriminalization, he says, "that is the central concession that will transform the debate."
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